The Forms of Academe WALTER J. STEIN* I. This paper investigates some effects on universities and university structures of two significant factors or variables: first, the degree to which "open" or "restricted" entrance requirements affect the composition of the student body; second, the degree to which a "professional" or "collegia!" self-image is prevalent among the faculty and staff. When these two variables are related to each other, it is possible to construct a four-fold typology, which, in turn, may provide strategies for goal-determination and conflict-resolution within each of four ideal university types. The typology outlined in this paper is descriptive, as are the terminologies utilized. The ideal types are presented, further, in full awareness that no real or existing institutions of higher learning will conform to any of them in all particulars. Open or restricted entrance One major variable affecting the structure and processes of universities is the degree to which entrance and continuance requirements produce student bodies that may be described in terms reflecting their relative standing within the secondary-school or general population. An institution may be highly selective and intensive in its choice of students. Determined to admit and retain an elite of high-potential students, such institutions will normally adopt rigorous entrance examinations and admit only students who fall within the highest grade percentiles. Further, a selective-intensive institution will maintain its standards through a continuing process of attrition. Rigorously enforced examination and evaluation processes within the institution will insure a continuous "weeding out" of those deemed less capable. "Tough" entrance requirements are probably the norm for selective-intensive institutions. However, a minor variant occurs in the case of the university which adopts fairly open entrance requirements, but compensates with ruthlessly high failure rates at the close of the freshman year. In essence, such an institution merely substitutes the freshman year for entrance examinations in order to postpone the selection process for one or two semesters. Entrance and continuance requirements need not remain selective-intensive, and in certain cases, cannot under North American conditions. The non-selective extensive institution may be defined ideally, as the polar opposite of the selective-intensive. Here, all students who have successfully completed secondary school will be admitted without evaluation. Failure rates will tend to be low, and a large majority of incoming freshmen will successfully complete their senior courses to receive the Bachelor's degree. *Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Winnipeg. 56 Walter J. Stein Since the intention of this paper is purely descriptive, no attempt will be made here to assess the relative value of intensive or extensive enrolment and continuance patterns. Both clearly exist. Whether an institution tends toward the one or the other pattern will depend upon political, demographic, and financial considerations. Collégial or Professional Faculty The characteristics of the student body alone do not determine the structure and processes of the university. Student bodies and faculties interact in complex ways. A second variable to be considered, then, is the general or prevalent attitude of the faculty regarding its role in the process of higher education. While it is obvious that the quality of a faculty bears a powerful relation to the quality and reputation of the university, it is not the intention of this paper to discuss invidious comparisons such as arise from terms like "second-rate," "top-notch." Rather, we are concerned with determining, in value-neutral ways, the orientation or attitude of a faculty. For the purposes of this paper, faculties may be defined as "collégial" or "professional". The collégial faculty tends to prize education in terms of its ability to produce cultured, rounded, and clear-thinking individuals. It respects breadth above depth, and, indeed, tends to see the narrow specialist as a marginally educated individual lacking judgement, wisdom, and the "whole" view. Although members of a collégial faculty may be engaged in high-level, specialized research, the collectivity will tend to denigrate the institutional atmosphere characterized by the phrase "publish or perish." For many members of a collégial group, specialized research will be replaced by broad reading and, frequently, community activities which provide outlets for the individual's general orientation: the collégial faculty member may participate actively in cultural, religious, and political organizations. For the collégial faculty, the undergraduate classroom is not primarily a site for specialized training preparatory to graduate school. The undergraduate experience is seen, rather, as providing education for citizenship, leadership, and intelligent and sensitive use of leisure time in cultural and other pursuits. The salutary role-models presented to students by a collégial faculty will likely be Cardinal Newman, the Renaissance virtuosi, or the amateurs of the 18th century. In accord with this self-image, the faculty member will value flexibility and regard highly his ability to teach in several broad fields within his discipline. In areas relating to the administration of the institution, a collégial faculty will function according to the role implied in the phrase, "the faculty, Sir, is the university." The member's primary loyalty will be directed beyond his department to the university at large, and he will, accordingly, be involved in a broad range of committee activities dealing with curriculum, administration, and planning. Consequently, the ratio of faculty members to purely administrative officers will tend to be high. Further, decisions affecting the entire community will involve the application of judgement rather than pure technical expertise, and conflict-resolution through consensus will be preferred to numerical majorities. Finally, a direct result of a collégial orientation will be a tendency among this faculty to regard as most legitimate those disciplines which conform best to the broad concept 57 The Forms of Academe. of libera] arts. The natural and physical sciences will tend to be de-emphasized and viewed as service areas for a minority of students whose future goals include professional training in one of the sciences. The social sciences will occupy an anomalous position within the institution, and will frequently find it necessary to justify or legitimize themselves within the confines of the concept, liberal arts. For want of a better term, this paper utilizes the term professional to characterize the polar opposite of the collegial faculty. In matters relating to teaching, research, and administration, institutions whose faculties may be regarded as professionally oriented will differ significantly from those where the collegial orientation is dominant. For the professional faculty, the path to wisdom lies in the increasingly specialized pursuit of a relatively small number of answers to questions posed within a discipline. The professional faculty is, therefore, composed of specialists who will argue that education has as its primary purpose the training of individuals in such a manner as to equip them with the skill, lexicon, and techniques of a single discipline (and perhaps, several ancillary skills which may be brought to bear upon that discipline). Although the professional faculty may prize the rounded, cultured individual and the broad view, it does not view the production of Newman's archetype as the purpose of higher education. Newman's goal, it may argue, is unattainable, and the emphasis on breadth to the detriment of depth may produce superficiality, facile reasoning and disrespect for detail, fact, and technique. Although it is frequently argued that in comparison with collegial faculties, professional faculties tend to under-emphasize teaching, this may not, and certainly need not, be the case. Theoretically, at least, collegial and professional faculty members, in their roles as teachers, are equally concerned with high quality and exciting instruction. They differ, not in the degree to which they emphasize the teaching function, but rather in the manner that they perceive the purpose of what takes place in the classroom. The professionallyoriented teacher will approach the individual course — or programme of courses — as training preparatory to graduate studies. The argument that only a small proportion of undergraduate students will in fact progress to graduate school will be seen as irrelevant: rigorous training within a discipline, the instructor will argue, is preferable to broad but superficial general education, for the college-graduate in the twentieth century. The professional faculty will tend to be engaged in specialized, high level research. The individual member may be engaged as well in community activities in cultural or political areas, but will view these activities as part of his role as citizen not faculty member. While he may disapprove of the competitive striving inherent in the race for publications, the professionally-oriented faculty member will see the phrase "publish or perish" as a descriptive (rather than prescriptive) truism. To neglect research is to fail to "keep up"; the consequence of such failure will be seen in declining capacities as teacher as well as scholar. For the professional faculty, the primary loyalties are directed toward the discipline and the department. Loyalty to the institution will assume a secondary role. Indeed, the institution may be viewed as little more than a collection of departments united only by a central heating system. Consequently, the ratio of faculty members to purely administrative officers will be lower than is the case where a collegial group obtains. Decisionmaking at the institutional level may involve negotiation between departments and com- 58 Walter J. Stein promise arranged at supra-departmental levels of administration. Finally, the professional faculty makes few, if any, invidious distinctions among the disciplines. Science, social science and arts departments compete with equality within the institution, for funds, students, and space. II. To this point, this paper has attempted to identify two independent variables which bear upon the structure and processes of institutions of higher education. It is now possible to construct a matrix which relates the nature of the enrolment structure t o the self-image of the faculty and, in turn, produces four ideal types (see fig. 1). COLLEGIAL I SELECTIVEINTENSIVE PROFESSIONAL II ATHENEUM PROFESSIONAL/ GRADUATE SCHOOL III POST SECONDARY STRATIFIED CONTINUATION COLLEGE NON-SELECTIVE EXTENSIVE IV MULTIVERSITY Figure 1. The Atheneum (type I). This most traditional institutional type appears where a collegial faculty interacts with a selective-intensive enrolment structure. The atheneum is the ideal institutional form for the production of a generalized leadership elite within highly stratified societies. It is, as well, the type most congruent with Newman's educational ideal. Real institutions which conform closely to this ideal type are likely to be highly reputed liberal arts colleges, known for a tendency to accept only the finest applicants, and to produce a high proportion of political and cultural leaders. The atheneum may be an autonomous unit, but can also appear as a college within, or as an affiliate of, a major university. Frequently, these will be privately-endowed and may have historical roots within a religious denomination. Further, the atheneum is likely to be relatively smaller in size than other educational institutions, but with a fairly low student-faculty ratio. Small size does not appear to be an inevitable quality of the form, but, more plausibly, emerges as a consequence either of limited endowments or limited supplies of acceptable students, coupled with the desire to maintain a close instructional atmosphere via the student-faculty ratio. Returning to the ideal type, it can be seen that the primary characteristic of the atheneum is a consensus on methods and objectives shared by students and faculty alike. The institution is self-regulating and founded on a self-fulfilling prophecy. When outstanding students, highly motivated towards the goals of liberal education, interact with 59 The Forms of Academe. a collégial faculty committed to the same goal, higher education becomes a simple matter. Viewed in the perspective of contemporary educational theories, the statement above should appear not so much heretical as obvious. Teaching and learning are not equivalent with stimulus and response: and the fact that teachers teach does not automatically produce the effect that students learn. The atheneum, however, protects itself by insuring that a high percentage of its students are selected precisely in terms of their demonstrated capacity and desire to learn. The quality of the institution is maintained with little effort, and (no pun is here intended) the question of standards becomes academic. The atheneum determines its curriculum as well as its standards internally, and maintains both through self-regulation. Curriculum is not tailored to fit externally-imposed requirements such as bar, medical, or accountancy examinations; neither is curriculum set to conform with academic specialty classifications, i.e.: American Colonial historian, educational psychologist, solid state physicist. Such specialized training, the atheneum leaves to the graduate or professional schools, which will undoubtedly enrol a good percentage of its graduates. Indeed, the rate at which its students are accepted at the finest post-graduate institutions is likely to be the sole external evidence by which the atheneum confirms its internal standards. Hence, the atheneum provides the collégial faculty with great latitude within which it may exercise its broad interests, as well as furnishing the superior student with the possibility of individualized and flexible instruction. Finally, the qualities we have already identified — low student-faculty ratios, emphasis on educating the "whole" person, and the superiority of the student body — will produce intimate and fairly equalitarian scholarly interactions between student and professor. The seminar will be a highly regarded educational method, and academic relationships will be initiated by students as well as faculty members. This characteristic of the atheneum plays a significant role in maintaining the quality of the collégial faculty. The constant challenge of remaining attuned to the needs of a gifted and questioning student body will provide, for the collégial faculty, the standards of excellence which are analogous to research and publication, for the professional faculty. The Professional/Graduate School (type II). Although our emphasis centers upon undergraduate institutions, the appellation given type II reflects the fact that certain of the combinations discussed in this paper may also be found at other levels. Highly restrictive entrance requirements and professional faculties identify graduate schools in arts and sciences and professional or technical schools at the undergraduate as well as graduate levels. This combination is most efficient in producing a high level of expertise, is ideally suited to industrial societies which desire a wide variety of skilled specialists: physicians, lawyers, engineers, holders of doctorates in the arts and sciences. This form almost invariably develops within a larger institutional framework, and constructs various organizational structures in order to maintain autonomy. Within the arts and sciences, graduate schools retain a discrete identity through such devices as separate administrations, graduate deans, and faculty councils of graduate studies. The professional and technical schools are independent colleges within the university, whose governing bodies contain a high percentage of members drawn from the profession at 6 0 Walter J. Stein large. Type II institutions tend to be small in size, a consequence of quotas imposed, in several disciplines, by the profession itself. Student-faculty ratios are extremely low, occasioned by the nature of the training process, which will be discussed below. Finally, per capita educational costs are highest in institutions of this type. Like the atheneum, the graduate or professional school is characterized by consensus, albeit directed to a totally different end. Here, students and faculty agree that the institution has as its primary purposes the preparation of a continuous supply of qualified journeymen for the profession, and the fulfillment of specific societal demands. The graduate of type II may very well wish to live as a "whole" person, but he or she neither expects, nor desires, the institution to devote its energies to that goal. Nor, for that matter, is type li s faculty likely to spend much time in frequent agonized debate of the "whither education" variety. Still another similarity which type II shares with the atheneum arises from the reliance of both upon highly selective enrolment requirements. Whatever the intrinsic difficulty involved in mastering the subject may be, rigorous selection of vocationally apt and committed apprentices will insure that educational standards remain high within the institution Significant differences between the atheneum and the professional/graduate school appear, however, when the controls utilized by the two are compared. Where the atheneum determines curriculum and standards internally the type II institution is highly sensitive to externally-defined standards. In the case of those professions recognized by law and accorded the privilege of self-regulation, uniform examinations and internship or articling procedures provide unambiguous feedback by which the institution may judge its performance. In those disciplines not subject to quasi-legal licensing procedures, however, external standards are only slightly less apparent, and exist in several forms: relative rates of placement of graduates in high-prestige academic or professional positions; research grants and publication records of graduates; rates of success in competition for desirable consultative posts. The need to prepare students to fulfill externally-defined requirements leaves the professional/graduate school with little of the flexibility accorded the atheneum. Curricula in type II institutions tend to be rigid and nearly interchangeable within broad geographic and cultural regions, for, to borrow Thomas Kuhn's formulation, professional/ graduate schools are designed to initiate students into the reigning paradigms. It has been seen above that professional faculties may be differentiated from collégial faculties by the direction of their loyalties. The former look primarily to their discipline and maintain their allegiance through research and publication. In the professional/graduate school, no rigid boundary separates teaching from research, and both functions merge in the training of students. The two activities are symbiotic, not dissonant, and insure that students and faculty will remain current with developments in the discipline. Types III and IV: General. The atheneum and the professional/graduate school are relatively traditional forms of higher education whose modern origins may be traced to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The twentieth century, most notably in North America, has seen the emergence of post-secondary educational institutions characterized by extensive and non-selective enrolment patterns. Type III and type IV institutions tend to be publicly supported and function under 61 The Forms of Academe. the mandate that all, or a significant proportion of, students who have attained a high school diploma, be admitted into the baccalaureate programme. In comparison with types I and II, these institutions are larger in terms of total student population, but per capita educational costs are lower. Student-faculty ratios are high; financing and budgeting tend to be tied directly to formulas based on numbers of full-time students or their arithmetic equivalent. Types III and IV are not simply "democratic" variants of types I and II. The nature of the interactions between students and faculty at non-selective extensive institutions render them qualitatively different from the atheneum or the professional/graduate school. Types I and II experience a selective migration of highly motivated and competent students who share with the faculty a consensus on goals. Such goal-consensus does not exist at either type III or type IV, except possibly within their respective faculties. Non-selective extensive higher education is ideally suited to societies with fluid social structures where general post-secondary education is believed to constitute a useful prerequisite to upward mobility and increased status; and where a college degree is considered valuable for employment in many white collar and managerial positions. Consequently, a broad spectrum of motives is to be found among student populations at types III and IV, a direct result of their enrolment patterns. Students may share only a common geographic location, and, in some cases, not even this factor. They represent widely disparate socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds, and divergent purposes and career choices. For many, the Bachelor's degree itself, and the competitive advantage associated with it, rather than the education connected with its attainment, will be the primary motivation for attending the institution. Most important, student populations at types III and IV represent a much wider range of natural intelligence than their counterparts at the atheneum or the professional/ graduate school. Further, the distribution of attained skills among the student population will vary as widely as do the requirements for completing the diploma in the secondary schools that supply the bulk of incoming freshmen. In other words, purely non-selective extensive institutions have no control over their input; the selection process resides in the secondary schools, and the minimal attainment levels for graduating from high school and entering university are the same. The social and political phenomena which produce the non-selective extensive enrolment pattern also militate against attempts to regulate academic standards from within. Publicly financed institutions may be faced with irresistible demands for "democratic" higher education. Even where such pressures are subtle or non-existent, budgeting procedures may produce pressures countervailing high failure and attrition rates. Where operating and capital budgets are tied to the student-faculty ratio, institutions will attempt to maintain their financial position by retaining their student populations. Especially when demographic or economic conditions produce a static or declining incoming population, no institution will "weed o u t " its weaker students if the inevitable consequence is the weeding out of an equal proportion of its faculty. The Post-secondary Continuation College (type III). When the pattern of financing and enrolments described above occurs in combination with a collegial faculty, the resultant type may be entitled the post-secondary continuation college. Type III institutions appear 62 Walter J. Stein under several general designations, including the junior college, the community college, the technical-vocational college, and many state and provincial universities. The primary attribute of the post-secondary continuation college is a condition that may be described as institutional anomie. This results from the interaction of a collegial faculty largely independent of external standards with a student population largely indifferent to the Newmanesque ideals of its professors. Despite the similar attitudes and goals of their respective faculties, the atheneum and the continuation college are entirely different educational institutions. The atheneum operates within a student-faculty consensus directed toward the production of a broad and rounded leadership elite. The continuation college, on the other hand, is not supported by consensus since the majority of its students are neither likely to prize the collegial goal, nor are they equipped with the general skills required for its attainment. Hence, faculties at the type III institution will complain frequently that their students are illprepared, resistant, and indifferent to learning "for its own sake". The bitterness that attends these complaints hints at frustration and a sense of personal betrayal that collegial faculties experience when they confront students who cannot be moulded to fit the self-image. Unable to regulate its own input, and frequently forced by its budgeting procedures to maintain its student population, the type III institution lacks the internal controls that protect academic standards in the atheneum. Simultaneously, the type III institution lacks the external controls of research and publication that maintain professional standards for faculties at types II and IV. Academic norms at the continuation college, therefore, are related primarily to the capacity of its average student to maintain passing marks. Within so relativistic a situation, collegial faculties are hard put to maintain objective standards of excellence for their students, or for themselves. Further, the classroom experience at the continuation college provides little intellectual challenge for the instructor. Where the atheneum is characterized by intense multi-directional contacts between active students and professors in the seminar, the continuation college is typified by the one-way contact between active instructor and passive student, whether in the lecture hall or the seminar. Further, intense intellectual relationships between student and professor, common at the atheneum, are less frequent at the continuation college, since the majority of students find them neither desirable nor valuable. In summary, the continuation college is the least stable of the institutional types described in this paper. Confronted with a non-selective extensive enrolment pattern, the collegial faculty finds itself impotent to realize its goal of converting a mass of incoming students into a finely-tuned, broadly educated, elite of men and women. Under these conditions, collegial faculties may seek ego-gratification in ancillary pursuits. They may devote increasing amounts of time and energy to community or administrative activity, or they may re-define teaching in such a manner that attending to the emotional needs of the adolescent takes precedence over academic education. The Stratified Multiversity (type IV). Despite the negative connotations that have become associated with the term "multiversity" since Clark Kerr invented the concept, it remains the best descriptive title for the combination of professional faculties and extensive enrolment patterns. 63 The Forms of Academe. The primary attributes of the multiversity are the wide variety of its activities and the presence within it of a highly stratified educational system. Both of these characteristics arise from the techniques adopted by faculties for maintaining professional competence in the face of an amorphous and disparate student population. The primary loyalties of professional faculties are directed towards their disciplines. Their research, consultative, and professional activities provide objective standards which serve as checks to the relativistic and subjective standards which predominate in the type III institution. As with the continuation college, however, the stratified multiversity cannot respond with high failure rates and restrictive entrance requirements to major changes in the capacity and preparation of its undergraduate students. Quite the contrary; the size of the student population affects the budget, which, in turn, determines the amount of professional activity that takes place among the faculty. One additional ingredient must be added to these cross-pressures; for several reasons, professional faculties require the presence of at least a small corps of well-trained apprentices. These apprentices provide research assistance, as well as the opportunity for professionally-oriented teaching at the undergraduate or graduate level. Equally important, professional faculties are aware that, over the long run, their reputations within the discipline are enhanced or damaged by the reputation of students connected with them. To these pressures, the multiversity responds by constructing sub-systems within the institution, to which highly restrictive entrance requirements may be attached. These take a wide variety of educational forms, among them undergraduate honours courses or programmes, graduate schools, research institutes, and experimental interdisciplinary colleges. Thus, type IV institutions, unlike other forms discussed in this paper, are capable of accommodating within themselves sub-systems that bear the characteristics of the professional/graduate school. The consequence of this phenomenon is stratification within the institution, and the production of classes of students ranging from the general undergraduate, through the honours undergraduate, and in type IV institutions with graduate programmes, the master's, doctoral, and post-doctoral levels. Faculties will maintain their standards in contact with their higher strata of students, who, in turn, provide greater educational challenge. This is not meant to imply that the larger class of general undergraduates will be ignored. It must be kept in mind that this paper is concerned with the teaching role and assumes no inevitable tension between teaching and research activities among professional faculties. The interests of the general, less-motivated undergraduate, are protected at the stratified multiversity in two ways. First, a "trickle-down" effect produces the possibility that the quality of instruction will remain high as a result of the intellectual acuity that the faculty is required to maintain in order to fill the needs of its honours and/or graduate students. Second, mobility within the institution allows the general student to move into the higher strata should his or her capacities and motivations warrant. Finally, it must be pointed out that the absence of close contact between general undergraduates and teachers at the multiversity is not necessarily a result of overemphasis on research and publication among the faculty. As in the continuation college, the majority of students may be indifferent to, or actively avoid, such intimate academic relationships. Type IV institutions tend to be very large state or provincial colleges and universities, whose size and budgets make possible the wide varieties of activity contained within. 6 4 Walter J. Stein There is, however, no intrinsic reason why this must be the case. Small undergraduate institutions can construct and maintain internal sub-systems which provide outlet for professional faculties and maintain high standards of excellence, despite non-selective extensive enrolment requirements. The range of such activities at the "mini-multiversity" will necessarily be narrower but they may be equally satisfying and highly productive. III. Conclusion. This paper has attempted to describe four ideal types of institutions of higher education which emerge when collegial and professional faculties interact in combination with open or restrictive enrolment and continuance patterns. No existing institution matches totally any of the ideal types presented, yet few university teachers or administrators will experience difficulty in assessing the relative location of their institution on the typological model presented. Each of the four types presented is a legitimate response to the wide variety of social and political requirements placed upon higher education in North America, and it is not the intention of this paper to present one or another of these ideal types as normative or preferable. It is, rather, the purpose of this paper to provide structural definitions by which faculty and administrations may assess and evaluate the range and direction of policies and strategies available to them. An example will suffice. Perhaps because February was abnormally warm last year, silly season arrived earlier than usual at this small, liberal arts college. A faculty committee which had been requested to investigate a deplorable decline in literacy among our students laid the blame squarely upon a "decline of (grading and evaluation) standards". In reply, a highly-respected senior faculty member maintained that declining standards were a reflection of the collapse of truth in the Twentieth Century. God was dead, and buried with Him were syntax, punctuation, and style. Thus began the opening skirmish of the battle of the standards. Before the war ended, numerous memoranda had invaded our mailboxes, like an army of rhetoric blindly crossing a battlefield in search of an enemy. Most of these comments were funny, some were fatuous, one was nasty, and all were intensely human in their attempt to say something important without resort to serious prose. Hostilities ended with the coming of spring. The affair took place in an atmosphere of good humour which could not conceal the anxiety beneath. Many faculty members with long service at the institution seized the opportunity to voice bitter complaints about many matters connected with the alleged decline of standards: incoming freshmen, they asserted, were no longer properly prepared at the high school level; our students were apathetic; our administrators were seizing control from the faculty; and, finally, a decline in the rate of enrolments threatened job security and portended a competitive scramble for a declining number of faculty positions. Such explanations are fairly common among beleaguered academics these days, and, in our case, some were accurate and some were not. Surprisingly, during the war of the memoranda, not one commentator had considered the possible effect of major structural and financial changes which the college has undergone in the past five years. Until its conversion several years ago, from a small church-supported affiliate of a provincial university to an independent publicly-supported institution, the college had 65 The Forms of Academe. conformed quite closely to the atheneum described in type I. Its small faculty had been predominantly collegial in temper and its student population highly-motivated and restricted by high first-year failure rates. Departmental loyalties were secondary to loyalty to the institution; administrative staffs were miniscule and the faculty controlled university policy within consensus forms of decision-making. One measure of the degree to which the institution conformed to type I was that for years it consistently produced one of the highest rates of Woodrow Wilson Fellowships in the nation. Its undergraduates were easily placed at high-prestige graduate and professional schools, and this despite a lingering ill repute left by a severe academic freedom controversy that had convulsed it during the 1950's. Independence changed the conditions under which the college had grown accustomed to operating. It now functions under a provincial financing structure based upon per-capita grants and student-faculty ratios. It is, further, required,to accept all students who have successfully completed high school. It must compete with another local university for funds and its success in this endeavour depends primarily upon its ability to attract increasing numbers of students. Unsurprisingly, failure rates have fallen, even while older faculty members complain of the declining skills and capacity of incoming freshmen. In short, this institution has been forced to adopt a non-selective extensive enrolment pattern, and no amount of soul-searching among its faculty will revive the atheneum without the inception of restricted enrolments or a return to high failure rates, which, in turn, would limit faculty size and no doubt produce an absolute decline in the number of positions available. Simultaneously, the now-deflated educational boom of the 1960's saw a change in the size, and, more important, the nature, of the faculty, a significant proportion of whom are now professionally oriented. In addition, our current president is a physical scientist widely known for his research and publications, and as professional in temper as the president whom he replaced was collegial. These changes in personnel have affected the university as much as did the changes in its enrolment patterns. In the past few years, the institution has entered graduate studies on a limited scale, founded several specialized institutes, and hired a vice-president in charge of research. Departmental loyalties have replaced loyalty to the institution; negotiation and bargaining have replaced consensus; and the administrative staff has experienced massive growth. One event, trivial in itself, symbolizes how far the institution has moved from its atheneum background to its current emergence as a potential mini-multiversity: last year, the faculty lounge, at one time a place of constant convivial contact where departmental lines crossed and where physicists, psychologists, and literary critics would engage in broad general conversation, was closed for lack of support within the faculty. I do not know whether the changes have taken place as a result of conscious intention to produce a type IV institution. What is apparent, is that our new administration actively encourages the professional thrust of the faculty, while simultaneously it directs its energies to persuading high school graduates that their best interests are served by enrolling here, rather than at "the other place". The typologies outlined in this paper may aid 66 Walter J. Stein our administrators in choosing strategies aimed at producing the stratified multiversity they seem to desire. Other administrations and faculties at other universities may desire other goals, or may be caught, as we were, in the flux of changed circumstances. Perhaps they too, will find in these descriptions, hints or suggestions by which they may harmonize their policies with the goals they hope to achieve.